The fall of the Czech ruling coalition led by Mirek Topolanek comes against a bleak economic backdrop shared by much of central and eastern Europe. But its underlying cause is the chronic weakness of the Prague administration. The collapse of the government also severely damages the Czech presidency of the European Union, which was already looking accident-prone. It is a vivid demonstration of the need for a semi-permanent EU president, as envisaged by the Lisbon treaty.
Though the end of the coalition comes just days after the Hungarian prime minister said he would quit, it would be wrong to see central and eastern Europe as an area afflicted by a single malady. While Hungary is in the midst of an International Monetary Fund rescue programme, the Czech economy is healthier, albeit suffering from a drop in demand for its exports. But the political turmoil in the Czech Republic will not add to the impression of stability in the region.
Now it is up to Vaclav Klaus, the eurosceptic Czech president. He can appoint a caretaker government led by Mr Topolanek or someone else, to limp on until the end of June when the Czechs make way for the Swedes in Brussels. Or there might be an election. An interim administration with many of the same ministers chairing EU council meetings looks like the least worst option, since it would provide continuity.
An element of continuity comes too from the Brussels machine. Even before the crisis, there had been some complaints about poor Czech organisation, but the permanent arrangements had kept the agenda broadly on track. The EU presidency is a licence to pursue pet projects rather than an opportunity to change the course of the supertanker. But it should give a lead in times of crisis – as the French did in the six months to end-December – and as the Czechs have failed to do.
This lack of leadership will matter more in the coming months. It is just weeks before the European parliament shuts up shop ahead of the European elections. The Commission is reaching the end of its five-year term. That leaves the spotlight on a presidency that cannot speak with authority about foreign policy or give the EU a single, strong voice to which the world will listen.
Which brings us back to the Lisbon treaty. The fallout from the coalition's collapse is sure to affect how quickly its Czech parliamentary passage continues. There is clearly scope for delay, but an incoming government of a different complexion might see it as a matter of urgency. An anxious Brussels can only cross its fingers and hope.