Progressive forces across Europe must raise a wall against the far right, stresses the president of E.L.A.S. Alexis Tsipras, in his interview with the French magazine Marianne.
Among other things, he calls on progressive forces across Europe to raise a wall against the Far Right, while regarding the domestic political situation and ELAS he states: “Our goal is to take back the opportunity for fair development that Mr. Mitsotakis squandered.”
Emphasizing once again that “a new economic and social patriotism means producing more, sharing more fairly, living better in our country.”
The interview with Mr. Tsipras is as follows: In Greece, unemployment is falling, growth has returned... For the government, the situation is better today than in 2019! What do you reply?
This is not the view of the Greeks! In 2019, the country had just emerged from the memoranda [agreements between Athens and its creditors – EU, ECB, IMF – for the granting of loans in exchange for the implementation of structural reforms, translator’s note], from a terrible crisis that had reduced its GDP by 25% and had endured austerity. The situation has worsened and inequalities have widened. Greece is in the last positions of almost all European rankings.
In 2019, the average Greek salary was 83% higher than the Bulgarian one; today it is only 17% higher. In 2019, you did not spend 40% of your income on rent. The cost of living, which is terrifying, is worsening largely because of the cartels that dominate almost the entire economy. Inflation is among the highest in the EU. Prices in supermarkets are comparable to, if not higher than, prices in France. The country is in last place in the EU in terms of per capita GDP in purchasing power terms.
An average Greek has to do two jobs or work twelve hours a day to make ends meet. In short, we have Bulgarian wages, French prices, and Chinese working conditions. It is as if Kyriakos Mitsotakis’s government is imposing a new memorandum on the Greek people.
Since 2019, it has been missing every opportunity for the country’s recovery. For example, the European Union (EU) opened the liquidity taps during the pandemic and then offered significant financing possibilities, such as the Recovery Fund. Greece could have used them to close the gap separating it from the other EU states. But it did not!
What do you propose?
In Thessaloniki I presented the main lines of a national reconstruction plan: “We produce more, redistribute more fairly, live better.” This plan, necessary to avoid a new crisis, charts a prospect of fair development and reconstruction of the country’s productive base, a prerequisite for a sustainable economy that will benefit every household.
Instead of developing exclusively tourism and real estate, sectors particularly vulnerable to economic fluctuations, we must invest in the sectors in which our country has competitive advantages: quality agricultural production, industry – manufacturing, pharmaceuticals, etc. – and innovation. And Greece has real human capital.
To finance this effort, we will create a National Convergence Fund. It will be a key tool for productive reconstruction and for creating the sustainable development required to support a strong welfare state. This is the basis of a new social and economic patriotism.
Meaning?
I draw inspiration, among others, from California Democratic congressman Ro Khanna, Bernie Sanders, and economists Thomas Piketty and Gabriel Zucman. Our country must safeguard its social cohesion. But if a small minority continues to accumulate wealth, social tensions will multiply and dissolve social cohesion.
With globalization, wealth is no longer linked only to income, but to the accumulation of capital on a global scale, which is strengthened through complex financial products and the placement of capital in tax havens. However, the taxation of incomes remains the responsibility of states.
For reasons of social justice, I will introduce a wealth tax for the richest 1% of the country, amounting to 1% of their wealth. Zucman proposes 2%, but on a global scale, something that presupposes coordination of all states, unanimous agreement in the EU, and interstate implementation agreements. So let us establish in Greece this patriotic tax of the richest 1% for the remaining 99%.
Your new party is in second place in the polls. Is this a source of hope for you?
Yes, it is hope for us, but above all for Greek society! Citizens have understood that the policy of the current government widens inequalities and sinks the country into corruption. Seven out of ten Greeks want political change. Public opinion reacted very positively to the creation of the party.
Of course, we have no parliamentary representation or state funding. But we do have programmatic proposals, political discourse and, above all, we know in which direction we want to lead the country. We want to express the interests of the world of work, production, and small and medium-sized enterprises.
But the European Left seems to be radicalizing. Who could be your allies?
The discussion should not concern the degree of radicalism, but the ability to constitute a credible alternative that will meet the expectations of the social classes we want to represent and will be able to convince society.
In our founding declaration we refer to three political currents of the Left: the radical Left, social democracy, and political ecology. Against the oligarchy that holds wealth, we all want to defend the social majority by implementing policies of redistribution, social cohesion, and sustainable and fair development. In Europe, at a time of fragmentation of the Left, we are ready to cooperate with all three of these currents.
In the spring of 2027, elections are expected to be held in Greece and France. Which parties are you in talks with?
We are talking with all parties, La France Insoumise (LFI), the Socialist Party (PS), the Communist Party (PC)... The French Left has the important responsibility of preventing the rise of the far right. This battle concerns, more broadly, the entire democratic and progressive world of France.
As in the rest of Europe, we are seeing a normalization of the far right. The elections in France will be crucial for the evolution of Europe as a whole.
But your relations with Jean-Luc Mélenchon are complicated. If you are both elected, will you be able to work with him?
I am ready to work with everyone, whether we agree or disagree. When I was Prime Minister, I even worked with President Trump, despite our ideological differences. In any case, a victory for the Left would be a positive development for both France and Greece.
Is there, in your opinion, a risk of “Frexit”?
I could never imagine that a French person would ask me this question. I cannot imagine the EU without France, which is one of the pillars of the European edifice.
But if the EU continues to implement policies of austerity, widening inequalities, divergence between member states, and productive decline, there is a serious risk of its disintegration. There are, therefore, economic and social risks.
However, I also see another risk: that of a prolonged political crisis that could start from France. A victory of the far right in the next elections would constitute a strong blow to the heart of Europe. It would undermine its cohesion. This is, in my opinion, the main risk. And then comes the risk of Frexit that you mentioned.
But the EU seems to be turning toward the Right and the far right...
This risk is real. In Germany the AfD is rising; in France the RN is gaining strength... History shows that the far right is the most systemic force that exists. Let us not forget that Hitler came to power with the support of specific economic interests in Germany.
Today, the far right dons an anti-system cloak to attract the vote of the popular classes. But if it takes power, it will quickly reveal its true character as a force defending the system.
The Left, therefore, must be ready to constitute the alternative, without losing its compass: its values and the defense of the interests of the popular classes against the financial oligarchy.